The AEI-Brookings Joint

As we note in our book, there is an endless supply of academics and private scholars who engage in the communications policymaking field. Usually, most academics work for industry hire and supply–surprise–what is deemed intellectual support for corporate political agendas. Missing always is a clear statement of who is funding them. A November paper by two well-known researchers at the “AEI-Brookings Joint Center for Regulatory Studies,” now being hailed by anti network neutrality supporters, attempts to undermine the effort to restore non-discrimination safeguards to U.S. broadband networks. Messrs Hahn and Litan acknowledge in a cover footnote that they “have consulted for telecommunications and information technology companies on issues discussed in this paper.” They do not actually list such consultancies. But a glaring omission is the failure to identify who helps fund the Joint Center they co-direct. They include AT&T (and its predecessor SBC), Verizon and the super media monopoly lobbying shop Wiley, Rein and Fielding (which has represented BellSouth, Verizon and others). Such conflicts of interest should have been prominently displayed by the authors, as well as full disclosure of their consulting contracts. We note that pro-net neutrality firm Interactive Corp. is also a Joint Center supporter. But how much each gives and the terms of the grant must be disclosed in any related research. Research from the Joint Center, and all other scholarly and advocacy groups, should clearly and prominently identify their funders and their related political positions on the issues raised within the main body of the paper.
The public deserves better from the folks at the Joint Center.

For an example of the paper’s reception, go to Forbes.com and see the 1/24 online piece entitled “Is Network Neutrality a Myth?”

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Progressive 2.0–We Need to Build a "New" New Media System for U.S.

We are convinced that the only way to ensure a more democratic and diverse communications system in this era of “anytime/anywhere” media is to “build” it. Public policy will not be able to play a leading role to help us do that–certainly in the short term. What’s required is a strategic effort designed to harness the power (and challenges) of convergence by fostering large-scale collaboration and partnerships. The potential of Web 2.0 sites that foster community building is a critical area for progressive endeavors. As we have said, the Web 2.0 model offers the opportunity for communities and the nation to have diverse, public-interest-oriented and sustainable digital communications services. We should not cede media influence to services who are primarily interested in financial profit–they will dominate unless we can challenge the new media status quo.

We will need to tap into the expertise of new media business types who wish to harness the power of the media for social good. In that respect, we believe that the Huffington Post’s hire of a Time Warner executive familiar with online ad sales (and who will help it better connect with the growing revenue stream of Web 2.0 media) is something which should be replicated.

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Time for a Bold Public Interest Media/Telecom Agenda

We hope readers will look at Matt Stoller’s blog and his important piece entitled “On Building a Progressive Governing Coalition Around Net Neutrality.” It should be a part of a much larger debate about what should be done—at this critical juncture with our digital media system—to ensure that it truly serves democracy. We believe that there now must be a major push—in Congress and the marketplace–to advance a comprehensive agenda that will:

• require broadband content non-discrimination;
• invest in digital content services designed to foster news and public affairs;
• invest and support digital media services owned by women, persons of color, and low-income Americans;
• “save” newspaper journalism through changes in tax laws, SEC rules, and via new policies encouraging employee and non-profit ownership;
• expand “universal service” so that everyone who cannot afford it receives free residential broadband service;
• open up Internet-connected cell phone/mobile platforms (the “deck”) and digital cable and satellite services to all broadband content (in other words, ensure network neutrality gets content wherever the Net is—not just on PC’s);
• foster the development of financially sustainable and diverse Web 2.0 social networks which build communities of interest that can help organize for a more equitable society;
• enact privacy and interactive advertising safeguards so that we aren’t digitally “shadowed” online from marketers and government. This will also act as a check against the stealth machinery promoting consumption that has been placed throughout our digital environment. [We know more must be added to this draft digital media agenda].

In the next few months, it will be important for all the groups and individuals concerned about the U.S. media system to come together and foster a serious plan and strategy. One reason why some groups haven’t focused on the emerging threat to democracy in the digital era [such as the loss of broadband content and network non-discrimination due to cable/telco lobbying the Bush FCC] is that advocates [including myself] haven’t made the case well enough about what the alternative vision can be. It should be a broadband content system that truly reflects U.S. diversity—and strives to promote the artistic, cultural, political, and even spiritual aspects of a “Just” society. I envision such a system everywhere—a diverse “digiplex” of dedicated and inter-networked public interest Web 2.0 sites in cities, state capitals and nationally [connected, of course, to many like-minded global services]. It would offer a range of programming and community-connecting efforts on cell phones, digital TV, and PC’s that would help challenge the status quo. If such services now existed in the Gulf Coast region, for example, there would be more powerful voices offering video and other programming that holds the country and political leaders accountable for failing to effectively rebuild. It would be run by—and better represent—those Gulf Coast residents who today do not own any major media outlet (namely, most people). I believe that such services could also generate revenues that would help pay for the programming and organizing which must be done.

One approach to some of this is to propose federal legislation–the Community Digital Diversity and Civic Engagement Act–that would provide a portion of the necessary funds and the equitable access policies. It would build upon the good work already being done by community cable, low power radio, citizen journalists, newspaper unions and many others. It’s time, frankly, that policy advocates looked beyond broadcast ownership: a new world has already dawned. A number of my proposals require a marketplace intervention that would explore business models for sustainability, so there’s a role for public interest minded funders here. We will be turning more to this topic in the New Year. Let’s have a serious debate, build and embrace allies, and work as hard as we can to make the necessary changes.

CDT Works to Undermine the Public Interest in Broadband/ Allies with PFF

The Center for Democracy and Technology (CDT) has long served as part of the political support system for the telecom and media industries. While many view CDT as a privacy group, a great deal of what the organization does benefits its corporate supporters—which have been some of the biggest media and data collection companies in the country. They have included Axciom, Doubleclick, Time Warner, AT&T, Microsoft, Yahoo!, Google and Intel.

Now, CDT has joined forces with one of the key corporate funded groups that has been leading the charge against network neutrality: the Progress and Freedom Foundation. PFF, co-founded by Newt Gingrich, is also supported by numerous corporate media/telecom interests, including Murdoch’s News Corp. (Fox), AT&T, BellSouth, Comcast, Clear Channel, GE/NBC, Google and Microsoft.

Yesterday, the two groups jointly filed amicus briefs in federal courts supporting News Corp./Fox and NBC’s efforts to undermine the ability of the FCC to regulate communications. The TV networks are fighting the FCC’s recent decisions on broadcast indecency. But the CDT/PFF filing wasn’t only about over-turning the FCC’s foolhardy and inappropriate efforts on so-called indecent content. The message CDT and PFF gave to the courts was they should rein in any effort by the FCC to ensure that the public interest be served in the digital media era. The filing claims that convergence of various media, including the Internet, make any policy role for the FCC related to diversity of content a threat to free speech itself. A very convenient argument that must warm the hearts of both CDT’s and PFF’s corporate funders, because they are precisely the companies who wish to avoid having a public interest regulatory regime in broadband.

Missing from the brief is any discussion of the regulatory areas for broadband (including PC, mobile, and digital TV [IPTV] platforms) that will require federal policy, including a key role for the FCC. Among them, ensuring an open, non-discriminatory content distribution policy for the Internet—network neutrality. Other rules that will require FCC action in the broadband era include ensuring “free” and “equal” time for political speech; diversity of content ownership, including by women and persons of color; localism; public service; privacy; and advertising regulation. There will need to be ad safeguards, for example, protecting children from interactive marketing that promotes obesity as well as with prescription drug ads targeting seniors via immersive “one-to-one” media techniques.

CDT and PFF argue that the new media environment provides the public with greater choice, another reason they urge the courts to limit FCC authority. But what’s really happening with digital media is that we are facing a system where the “choices” are being meaningfully reduced by the market. Wherever the public goes, the forces of conglomerate media and advertising will confront them. Consider, for example, News Corp.‘s MySpace now running Fox programming. (It’s interestingly, by the way, that neither CDT nor PFF told the courts that they have a financial relationship with some of the interests involved in the indecency debate).

We have long opposed FCC efforts to “regulate” indecency, including being critical of FCC Commissioner Michael Copps (whom we otherwise strongly admire). The indecency effort by the FCC has helped let it become vulnerable to this attack by the media conglomerates, and their supporters, who have a longstanding political agenda aimed at sweeping away all regulation and safeguards. Fox, NBC, Viacom, Disney and the rest want a U.S. media system where they can own as many media outlets as they want, not have to do any public service, nor worry about regulators concerned about threats to privacy and interactive marketing abuses.

The emerging broadband era in the U.S. will see us face further consolidation of ownership of media outlets, including the Internet, as well as an increase in overall commercialization. The cry that Wall Street has for broadband is “monetization.” But our electronic media system must also serve democracy—not just the interests of those who want to make money. Civic participation, public interest civic media, and safeguards from content and services designed to manipulate us must be addressed. There is a role for the FCC in all this. (We shouldn’t throw-out as “bathwater” the potential of our broadband media to serve democracy and a role for the FCC because we are upset about it catering to zealous social conservatives who don’t like some programming).

Finally, shame on CDT for joining up with PFF. PFF is an opponent of the network neutrality policy for the Internet. It has also long opposed any meaningful role for the FCC. But, perhaps that’s the point. If PFF gets it way, its backers–and many of CDT’s–will be free to do as they please, regardless of the consequences to our democracy.

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